The Materiality of Conflict: Weapons, Warfare, and Society in Ancient Cyprus (c. 7000–500 BC)

The island of Cyprus occupies a seemingly contradictory position in the ancient history of the Eastern Mediterranean. For millennia, it was the region’s primary source of copper, a metal fundamental to the interconnected economies of the Bronze Age [1, p. 2]. This role casts Cyprus as a hub of production and trade, a lynchpin in a network of exchange that stretched from Egypt to the Aegean [2, p. 29]. Yet, the archaeological record reveals a more turbulent history, one marked by conflict, social upheaval, and the persistent presence of the tools of war. The island’s material culture, from the earliest stone projectiles to the sophisticated iron swords of the first millennium BC, provides a direct, if sometimes ambiguous, measure of its social and political climate. The appearance, disappearance, and changing form of weaponry reflect not just technological advancement, but also cycles of internal competition, external threat, and the ideological construction of power.

This article will trace the evolution of weapons and armour in Cyprus from the Neolithic through to the end of the Archaic period. By examining the technologies of production, the contexts of use—in warfare, in funerary ritual, and in symbolic display—and the evidence for conflict, a complex narrative emerges. This history is not a simple, linear progression towards greater military sophistication. Instead, it is a story of distinct phases of armament and disarmament that correlate with profound shifts in Cypriot society, most notably during the period of systemic collapse that ended the Bronze Age and set the stage for the rise of the island’s Iron Age kingdoms.

The Earliest Arsenals: Neolithic and Chalcolithic Developments (c. 7000–2500 BC)

The earliest evidence for potential weaponry on Cyprus is found in the stone toolkits of its first Neolithic inhabitants. The functional interpretation of these objects, however, remains a subject of discussion. While the term "arrowhead" is often used, its implication of a specific launch mechanism—the bow—is not always certain [3, p. 363; 4, p. 363]. Many of these items are more cautiously classified as "projectile points," which could have tipped darts or spears used for hunting or conflict [3, p. 363; 4, p. 363]. For years, true projectile points were considered virtually absent from the Cypriot Neolithic, a curious fact given the evidence for deer hunting [5, p. 12; 6, p. 137]. More recent discoveries at sites like Shillourokambos, Kalavasos-Tenta, and Ayia Varvara-Asprokremnos have revised this picture, revealing a diverse array of early arrowhead types [7, p. 98; 8, p. 122]. These finds exhibit parallels with mainland traditions from the Northern Levant, spanning the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA) through the Middle Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (MPPNB) [9, p. 17; 10, p. 18]. The variety suggests multiple influences and possibly the arrival of people possessing the complete "know-how" of mainland PPNB core technology [9, p. 17]. Despite their presence, these points remain rare, leading some to suggest they functioned not just as tools but as symbols of status or ethnic identity [5, p. 12; 11, p. 12].

The Chalcolithic period (c. 4000–2500 BC) marks the island’s first significant technological shift: the introduction of copper [12, p. 6; 13, p. 6]. Initially, metalwork seems to have been driven by a desire for personal ornamentation rather than utilitarian tools [14, p. 19; 15, p. 279]. Early metal finds are predominantly ornaments like spiral beads and pendants [14, p. 19; 15, p. 279]. Tools are present but simple, consisting of axes, adzes, and chisels, with shapes that often remain consistent over long periods [16, p. 21; 17, p. 21; 18, p. 63]. The technology was likely based on cold-hammering native copper, though the discovery of possible crucibles at Kissonerga-Mosphilia points to the beginnings of transformative pyrotechnology [12, p. 6; 13, p. 6; 19, p. 13].

A fascinating find from Chlorakas-Palloures—a stone adze/axe deposited alongside a copper axe/adze that it appears to mimic in form—suggests a close relationship between the two technologies [16, p. 25; 17, p. 25]. This emulation indicates that by at least 2600 BC, Chalcolithic stoneworkers were aware of and influenced by emerging metal forms, a dynamic that foreshadows the central role metal would soon play in Cypriot society [20, p. 8; 21, p. 8].

The Bronze Age Arsenal: Competition, Craft, and Conflict (c. 2500–1650 BC)

The transition to the Early Bronze Age (c. 2500 BC) coincides with a radical change in metallurgy, as island smiths began smelting copper from its ores [19, p. 15]. This technological leap led to a significant increase in the quantity and variety of metal artefacts [19, p. 12]. The period is defined archaeologically by a dramatic rise in the deposition of weapons in funerary contexts, providing the most direct evidence for their social role [22, p. 3]. Tombs from the Early and Middle Cypriot (EC–MC) periods, particularly at the northern coastal cemeteries of Bellapais-Vounous and Lapithos-Vrysi tou Barba, have yielded large numbers of daggers, knives, and spearheads [23, p. 60; 23, p. 69; 24, p. 18].

The most characteristic weapon is the hook-tang dagger or spearhead, with a long tang bent at the end to secure it to a handle [25, p. 71]. These were cast in simple open moulds and then heavily hammered and annealed to achieve their final shape and hardness [19, p. 15]. The alloy used was often arsenical copper, with tin bronze appearing more gradually [26, p. 107; 27, p. 28]. The sheer concentration of these weapons at Vounous and Lapithos—which together account for over 81% of all spearheads from EC-MC tombs—is remarkable [27, p. 9; 24, p. 16]. This accumulation has been interpreted as a sign of intense inter-community competition, possibly linked to control over copper resources and trade routes [24, p. 16; 26, p. 111]. The increase in armaments at Lapithos, which eventually eclipsed Vounous, suggests its growth was not entirely peaceful [24, p. 16].

The meaning of these "warrior burials" is complex. While the term implies the deceased was a soldier, the evidence is not straightforward. Weapons are interred with both males and females, calling into question a simple equation of weapons with male warrior status [28, p. 200; 29, p. 122]. Furthermore, many blades found in tombs appear to have been ritually "killed"—bent so as to be unusable—before deposition [28, p. 200]. This suggests their primary function in the burial was symbolic. Wear analysis on similar weapons from other regions has shown they were functional combat weapons, suggesting the Cypriot examples could have been used in life even if their funerary role was symbolic [30, p. 15; 31, p. 372]. Rather than simply marking an inherited status, the lavish deposition of metal goods, including weapons, was likely a means of actively creating and negotiating prestige within a competitive social system [32, p. 370; 25, p. 4].

More direct evidence for conflict comes from the construction of a series of forts around the MC III/LC I transition (c. 1750-1650 BC) [33, p. 18]. Located in the Mesaoria Plain and the Karpas Peninsula, and guarding passes in the Kyrenia range, these structures seem to have functioned as watchtowers or refuges [34, p. Sec1]. Their construction points to a period of internal insecurity and regional conflict, perhaps between competing polities vying for control of the island’s resources just before the dawn of the Late Bronze Age [35, p. 4; 22, p. 3; 34, p. Sec1].

Crisis and Transformation: The Late Bronze Age Collapse (c. 1650–1050 BC)

The start of the Late Bronze Age (LC) witnessed a dramatic reversal. The forts were abandoned, and the practice of depositing weapons in tombs almost completely ceased [35, p. 4; 22, p. 3]. Pictorial representations of warriors or warfare are non-existent for most of the period [35, p. 4]. This suggests a shift toward greater political stability, perhaps under a more centralized, island-wide polity that was integrated into the major trade networks of the Eastern Mediterranean [36, p. 8; 37, p. 27]. For several centuries, the archaeological record is largely silent on the matter of warfare.

This apparent peace was shattered at the end of the 13th century BC. During the turbulent "crisis years" of the LC IIC/IIIA transition (c. 1200 BC), Cyprus was embroiled in the widespread upheaval that led to the collapse of palatial centres in the Aegean and the destruction of cities across the Levant [38, p. 664; 39, p. 664; 29, p. 127]. On the island, the evidence is stark: a wave of destructions and abandonments swept through major centres [40, p. 580]. Sites like Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios and Maroni-Vournes were abandoned permanently, while others, including Enkomi and Kition, were destroyed and rebuilt [38, p. 664; 39, p. 664]. The violent nature of these events is underscored by skeletons found trapped in the debris at Enkomi and the frequent discovery of sling bullets in destruction layers [40, p. 580; 41, p. 21].

The primary weapon of this conflict appears to have been the sling. At sites like Hala Sultan Tekke, Maa-Palaeokastro, and Enkomi, sling bullets of clay, stone, and occasionally lead are found scattered throughout the settlements, indicating battle [41, p. 21]. This stands in contrast to the Levant, where evidence for battle at this time typically consists of arrowheads, and sling bullets are rare [41, p. 21]. This difference in weaponry suggests that Cypriot and Levantine sites were likely conquered by different forces, complicating any narrative that posits a single, unified wave of "Sea Peoples" sweeping the region [41, p. 22].

Concurrent with these destructions, new types of military equipment appear on the island, pointing to significant external contact. Chief among these is the Naue II cut-and-thrust sword, a weapon of European origin that became common in the Aegean during the 13th century BC [38, p. 670; 39, p. 670]. These swords, along with bronze greaves and socketed spears, represent a new warrior kit [38, p. 670; 39, p. 670]. While some scholars have attributed their arrival to an influx of Aegean or "Sea Peoples" migrants or invaders, the evidence is nuanced [42, p. 461]. The production of Aegean-style pottery on the island is no longer seen as definitive proof of a large-scale migration, and there is an increased emphasis on the continuity of local Cypriot traditions [43, p. 52]. The new weapons may have been introduced through mercenaries, shifting alliances, or the adoption of new fighting styles by local elites, rather than a full-scale invasion [42, p. 461].

The causes of the collapse on Cyprus were multifaceted. The breakdown of international trade networks disrupted the supply of essential materials like tin, which was necessary for bronze production [44, p. 406; 45, p. 205]. Internally, the accumulation of wealth by independent mercantile actors may have led to social fragmentation and undermined a centralized political authority [36, p. 36]. Environmental stressors, such as a period of increased aridity around 1200 BC, may also have contributed by causing local food shortages and social unrest [36, p. 16; 46, p. 42; 47, p. 11]. The instability of the period is also reflected in the appearance of numerous metal hoards, collections of scrap and finished objects deposited for safekeeping or for their value as raw material in a time of crisis [48, p. 21; 49, p. 24; 27, p. 14]. Ultimately, a weakened Cypriot polity, facing a combination of internal and external pressures, underwent a profound transformation [36, p. 36].

The Ascendancy of Iron: Weaponry and Ideology in the Cypriot Kingdoms (c. 1050–500 BC)

Out of the turmoil of the Late Bronze Age collapse, Cyprus emerged not as a backwater but as a centre of technological innovation [50, p. 4]. While the wider Mediterranean world entered a "Dark Age," Cypriot society restructured. The island’s metalworkers, perhaps faced with disrupted tin supplies and drawing on their extensive metallurgical expertise, played a major role in developing functional iron technology [51, p. 62; 36, p. 26]. The experimental phase for producing carburized iron, or steel, took place in the 12th century BC coastal centres, making Cyprus preeminent in the exploitation of the new metal [52, p. 28; 53, p. 19].

The archaeological record tracks this transition clearly. A few iron knives appear in the 12th century (LC IIIA), but their numbers rise steadily [54, p. 32]. By the Cypro-Geometric period (c. 1050–750 BC), the Cypriot arsenal included a full range of iron weapons: swords, daggers, spearheads, and arrowheads [54, p. 32; 55, p. 178]. Cyprus began exporting not just iron objects, such as knives, but also the technology itself to places like Crete [56, p. 17]. This diversification of its metal industry was a key survival strategy in the changed geopolitical landscape of the first millennium BC [56, p. 16]. However, the transition was not absolute; bronze continued to be used for many items, and was not seen as an inferior material [54, p. 25; 56, p. 25].

In the Archaic period (c. 750–480 BC), the most visible evidence for a military ethos comes not from buried weapons but from art. Sanctuaries and cemeteries across the island have yielded thousands of terracotta figurines of warriors, horsemen, and chariots [35, p. 11]. The mounted warrior was by far the most popular genre of Cypriot coroplastic art [57, p. 269]. While some are equipped with swords, shields, and helmets, many riders lack any weapons at all, wearing only a conical headdress that may or may not be a helmet [35, p. 11; 57, p. 270]. They are rarely shown in action [35, p. 11]. Their appearance is often unrefined and has been described as having a "humoresque attitude" [35, p. 11]. This suggests that these ubiquitous figurines were not literal depictions of warfare. Instead, they likely served as symbolic representations of male bravery and social authority, where the aristocratic connotation of the horse was more important than the act of fighting itself [35, p. 11; 57, p. 270].

In contrast, a much rarer and more elite form of war iconography appears on monumental limestone sarcophagi. Masterpieces from Golgoi and Palaepaphos depict not generic soldiers but heroic and mythological scenes drawn from the Greek world, such as the labours of Herakles and episodes from the Trojan War [35, p. 16; 22, p. 15]. Here, warfare is used to transmit powerful ideological messages about heroic bravery and elite identity, aligning the Cypriot aristocracy with a broader Hellenic tradition [35, p. 16]. This separation—between the mass-produced, symbolic terracottas and the elite, narrative-driven sarcophagi—highlights the different ways military imagery was used to structure society. It also shows a distinct Cypriot approach to war iconography, which, unlike in the Near East or the Aegean, rarely seems to have been used for direct royal propaganda [57, p. 285; 22, p. 26].

Conclusion

The history of arms and armour in ancient Cyprus is a history of the island itself, written in stone, bronze, and iron. The material record of weaponry acts as a sensitive barometer of the island’s social and political condition. In the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods, simple tools of stone and early copper reflect small-scale societies where the line between hunting and conflict is blurred. The explosion of bronze weapons in Early and Middle Bronze Age tombs charts the rise of competitive elites and localized conflict, a trend confirmed by the construction of regional forts.

The subsequent calm of the early Late Bronze Age, marked by the absence of weapons in burials, gives way to the intense, island-wide violence of the 12th century BC collapse. The weaponry of this era—local sling bullets and foreign swords—attests to the complex mix of internal strife and external pressures that reshaped the island. Yet, it was this very crisis that spurred one of the island’s most significant contributions: the pioneering of iron technology. In the succeeding Iron Age, the focus shifted from the battlefield to the ideological sphere. Mass-produced terracotta warriors and elite mythological sarcophagi show how the symbolism of warfare was used to structure a new society of kingdoms.

Many questions remain. The precise function of the earliest projectile points, the full meaning of weapons in Bronze Age burials, and the exact mechanisms of technological and cultural transfer during the collapse are still debated. What is clear, however, is that Cyprus was never merely a peaceful emporium. Its history was forged as much by conflict and competition as by commerce, and its weapons provide our most direct, tangible connection to the long and complex story of its people.