Horse and Rider Figurines

The Terracotta Horse and Rider of Iron Age Cyprus: Votive, Symbol, and Social Marker

Among the abundant coroplastic arts of ancient Cyprus, few objects are as distinctive and numerous as the terracotta horse and rider figurine [1, p. 292]. Appearing in the Cypro-Geometric period and reaching a remarkable peak of production in the Cypro-Archaic era, these small, often handmade figures populated the island’s sanctuaries and tombs in extraordinary numbers. At the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion, for instance, excavators recovered around 2,000 terracotta statuettes from a single votive deposit; of these, all but 110 were horse riders or chariot groups [2, p. 537; 3, p. 537]. This sheer quantity points to a deep and sustained cultural importance. Yet for all their ubiquity, the function and meaning of these objects were not singular. They were at once religious offerings, symbols of elite social standing, and reflections of a society engaged with ideas of warfare, performance, and status.

This article examines the Cypriot horse and rider figurine by tracing its chronological development and the stylistic variations that hint at regional production centers. It then analyzes the figurine’s diverse functions within the distinct contexts of sanctuaries and tombs, exploring its role as a votive offering, a marker of aristocratic identity, and a representation of both military and performative culture. By assessing the techniques of manufacture and the distribution of these objects within and beyond Cyprus, a more complete understanding emerges of how this specific iconographic type was created, used, and understood by the people of the Iron Age Cypriot kingdoms.

Origins and Chronological Development

While representations of horses appeared in Cyprus as early as the late Early Bronze Age, these were primarily hollow vessels, or rhyta, and not solid figurines [4, p. 71]. Equid representations remained rare throughout the Late Cypriot and early Cypro-Geometric (CG) periods [4, p. 71]. The tradition of creating dedicated horse-and-rider figurines emerged in the Cypro-Geometric I period (ca. 1050-950 BC), part of a broader Iron Age phenomenon that saw similar figures appear contemporaneously in Greece and the Near East [5, p. 158; 6, p. 7].

Figurines from the CG period are typically handmade, often using the so-called “snowman” technique, and feature geometric painted decoration in black and red when the surface is preserved [1, p. 304; 7, p. 304]. These early examples often have a simple, tubular body, a thick neck, short legs, and a pointed head [8, p. 214; 9, p. 214]. An example from a tomb at Kourion-Kaloriziki shows a rider straddling a horse decorated with black and purple geometric motifs [8, p. 214; 9, p. 214]. Finds from tombs at Palaepaphos-Skales and sanctuaries at Kition and Salamis confirm their use during this time, though they were still not widespread [4, p. 71; 2, p. 537; 3, p. 537].

The production of horse and rider figurines increased dramatically in the eighth and seventh centuries BC, during the Cypro-Archaic (CA) period [5, p. 158; 6, p. 7]. This surge in manufacturing coincided with the urbanization and establishment of the new city-kingdoms across the island. The corresponding rise in the number of sanctuaries created a greater demand for votive offerings, a demand the coroplasts (makers of terracotta figures) were ready to meet [2, p. 537; 3, p. 537; 1, p. 307]. During this era, the horse and rider became one of the most popular dedications, especially at sites like Kourion, Amathus, and Salamis [2, p. 537; 3, p. 537]. The tradition proved remarkably durable, with the production of horse figurines continuing into the Hellenistic and Roman periods, indicating the long-term importance of this iconography in Cypriot cult [10, p. 287; 8, p. 222; 9, p. 222]. At Kourion, for instance, workshops were still producing multiple types of horse figurines between 300-250 BC, with some artisans identifiable into the second century BC [8, p. 222; 9, p. 222].

Manufacture, Style, and Regional Variation

A striking feature of the Cypriot horse and rider figurine is the persistence of traditional manufacturing techniques. While the bivalve mold was introduced to Cyprus from the Levant around the eighth to seventh centuries BC for producing specific iconographies like the Phoenician-influenced Dea gravida (pregnant goddess), the hand-modeling technique was retained for animal and horse-and-rider figures well into the Hellenistic period [1, p. 56]. This suggests a deliberate choice by the coroplasts, who may have worked in different workshops specializing in different techniques and images, or who may have adapted their technique to suit the iconographic type [1, p. 56].

The majority of horse and rider figurines are solid and handmade [11, p. 3]. However, Cypriot coroplasts often combined methods. Some figures have wheel-thrown, hollow bodies to which handmade legs and heads were attached [1, p. 304; 7, p. 304; 12, p. 11]. Larger statuettes were manufactured in several pieces using a combination of wheel-made, handmade, and mold-made parts [1, p. 307; 13, p. 11]. On occasion, a mold might be used just for the face of a rider on an otherwise handmade figure [1, p. 307; 13, p. 11]. These terracotta objects were produced far more frequently than their limestone counterparts. Although the Cypriot aristocracy generally favored limestone for sculpture, stone horse and rider figures are rare compared to the terracotta versions, suggesting terracotta was the primary medium for this specific votive type [8, p. 218; 9, p. 219; 14, p. 11; 15, p. 12].

Decades of study, notably by Vassos Karageorghis, have allowed for the development of a typological framework for the Cypro-Archaic figurines, which helps to chart their development and identify regional styles [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217].

• Type 1 (CA I, ca. 750-600 BC): Characterized by horses with a tall, cresting mane, small ears, and linear painted decorations [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217].
• Type 2 (Transitional, ca. 600 BC): Similar to the first type but smaller in size, with less prominent manes that curve downwards. Some riders in this group are armed, such as an example from the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion, which shows a rider carrying a round shield decorated with dark dots [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217].
• Type 3 (CA II, ca. 600-480 BC): These figurines are of a fairly standard size, about 12 centimeters high, with stout legs and necks. The riders often appear disproportionately large, sitting taller than the horse. This type has been found in tombs at Amathus and in the sanctuary and necropolis at Salamis [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217]. Variations in painted decoration—thicker bands on Salaminian examples versus thinner lines on Amathusian ones—suggest they were made in different workshops [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217].
• Type 4: This classification is defined by the rider's posture, seated sideways (or side-saddle) on the mount [8, p. 218; 9, p. 218]. The pose appears as early as the Late Cypriot and CG periods and continues into the CA period [8, p. 218; 9, p. 218]. It has been suggested this manner of riding was reserved for dignitaries or women, whose long garments would have made sitting astride difficult, although the exact reason remains undetermined [10, p. 167; 16, p. 167; 4, p. 73].

Beyond this general typology, distinct regional styles are evident. The workshops of Kourion produced high-quality figurines with characteristic features: horses with a conical topknot, a thick tail, and sometimes a breastplate with tassels. The riders are helmeted, their legs are fully rendered, and rich black, red, and occasionally yellow paint was often applied over a white undercoat [10, p. 167; 16, p. 167]. At Marion, a different convention was used for rendering the rider’s hands on the horse’s neck, which were shaped like scissors rather than a simple pellet of clay [12, p. 78].

Cypriot coroplasts also produced more unusual compositions. Excavations at Palaepaphos-Skales unearthed a rider astride two horses and, even more remarkably, a rider on a three-headed horse [4, p. 73]. Another figurine type shows a pair of horses joined to a common body [10, p. 167; 16, p. 167]. These imaginative variations move beyond simple representation and hint at more complex narratives related to performance and myth.

Contexts of Use and Meaning

The function of the horse and rider figurine cannot be understood without considering its archaeological context. These objects appear primarily in two distinct settings: sanctuaries and tombs. Unfortunately, a great many figurines available for study were recovered during early, poorly documented excavations or through looting, separating them from their original findspots [17, p. 2; 18, p. 24]. Even those from controlled excavations are often found in secondary deposits such as bothroi (pits for discarded sacred material) or disturbed fills within sanctuaries, which can obscure their original placement and use [1, p. 297; 13, p. 6; 19, p. 116; 20, p. 116]. Despite these challenges, consistent patterns of deposition provide crucial evidence for their meaning.

In sanctuaries, the horse and rider was a principal votive offering [2, p. 537; 3, p. 537]. Their dedication seems to have been strongly associated with the worship of male divinities. At the sanctuary of Apollo Hylates at Kourion and in a sanctuary at Marion, horse and rider figurines were the dominant type of offering to a male god [10, p. 167; 16, p. 167; 2, p. 538; 3, p. 538]. This pattern reflects a broader trend in Cypriot religion where male deities typically received offerings of male figurines, while avian representations were more commonly dedicated to female deities [8, p. 224]. The association was not absolute, however. At some sanctuaries dedicated to a male god, such as Ayia Irini and Peyia, this type of figurine was not favored. This discrepancy suggests that offering practices could be shaped by regional traditions or the preferences of local priests rather than a rigid, island-wide rule [8, p. 218; 9, p. 218].

The presence of horse and rider figurines in funerary contexts points to a different but related set of beliefs. They are common grave goods in the necropoleis of Amathus and Salamis, and appear in CG tombs at Palaepaphos-Skales and Kourion-Kaloriziki [6, p. 7; 2, p. 537; 3, p. 537]. Within the tomb, the horse can be interpreted as having a chthonic character, a psychopomp to guide the deceased on their journey to the afterlife [4, p. 72]. Their inclusion as grave goods may also have served as a symbolic substitute for the actual sacrifice of a highly valued horse, a practice attested in the elite "royal tombs" of Salamis, where horses in elaborate trappings were killed in the tomb’s entrance passage (dromos) [4, p. 72; 21, p. 51; 8, p. 215; 9, p. 215]. Whether as a guide or a substitute, the figurine in the tomb functioned as a marker of the deceased’s status, signifying their wealth and social standing even in death [8, p. 223; 9, p. 223].

A Symbol of the Social Order

Beyond its specific ritual functions, the horse and rider figurine was a potent social symbol, deeply embedded in the ideology of the Cypro-Archaic aristocracy. The increasing popularity of horse iconography in the eighth century BC is directly linked to the rise of an elite class for whom the horse was a primary indicator of status [21, p. 51]. Horses were expensive animals to acquire, train, and maintain, and their ownership was a privilege of the wealthy [22, p. 1; 2, p. 538; 3, p. 538]. The possession of a horse, for use in warfare, ceremonies, or daily life, was a clear expression of prominence and power [23, p. 55; 24, p. 55]. The iconographic shift from the bull, prevalent in earlier periods, to the horse has been interpreted as reflecting a broader societal change from an agrarian-focused society to one more concerned with military organization and aristocratic display [2, p. 538; 3, p. 538].

The military association is explicit. Many figurines depict riders armed with shields or wearing helmets, presenting a clear warrior image [8, p. 217; 9, p. 217; 25, p. 270]. At the sanctuary of Malloura, the dedication of horse and chariot figurines has been interpreted as a desire by the local community to emphasize an elite military identity [5, p. 162]. However, the military interpretation should not be taken too literally. Many riders, including those from Malloura, are unarmed and depicted in peaceful attitudes [6, p. 7; 2, p. 538; 3, p. 538]. Furthermore, riders are rarely shown in combat. This suggests that the image functioned more as a "stereotype icon of warriors," a symbolic representation of male valor and social authority derived from the aristocratic connotations of the horse itself, rather than a depiction of active warfare [25, p. 270]. The rider is consistently male, reinforcing the association of equestrianism with a male sphere of activity and power [26, p. 127; 27, p. 127; 8, p. 224; 9, p. 223].

The iconography also points to a world of performance and spectacle. The unusual figurines of riders on two horses or standing on horseback are not easily explained as military or purely status-related objects. It is more likely they depict acrobatic displays, suggesting that equestrian skills were part of public social events [2, p. 538; 3, p. 538]. These performances may have been components of religious festivals, athletic contests, or even funerary games, similar to those described in Homeric poetry or depicted on Mycenaean pottery [4, p. 73; 28, p. 7]. The figurine from Palaepaphos-Skales showing a rider on two horses has an athletic posture, leaning forward as if in a fast gallop, which has parallels in Mycenaean terracottas thought to represent young men engaged in games or rites of passage [4, p. 73; 28, p. 7]. These objects suggest that horsemanship was not just for war but was also a form of entertainment and ritualized display for an audience.

Cypriot Riders in a Mediterranean Context

Despite the island’s role as a hub of Mediterranean interaction, the terracotta horse and rider figurine appears to have been a largely internal phenomenon, produced for a local audience. Cypriot terracotta figurines in general are extremely rare outside the island [2, p. 136; 3, p. 136]. The few examples of human and animal figurines found in the Levant are not found in large quantities (with the exception of Ugarit) and are typically recovered from burial contexts that contain other Cypriot objects [2, p. 136; 3, p. 136]. This pattern has led scholars to suggest that they were not trade goods but rather the personal possessions of Cypriot merchants or migrants living abroad [2, p. 136; 3, p. 136; 18, p. 162]. The absence of local Levantine imitations of these Cypriot types further indicates a lack of broad interest in these objects by non-Cypriot populations [2, p. 136; 3, p. 136].

Scientific analysis has begun to provide a more detailed view of these connections. A collaborative project using neutron activation analysis (NAA) studied the provenance of Cypriot-style figurines found in the Aegean [1, p. 297; 13, p. 6]. The results demonstrated that the majority of these figurines dedicated at sanctuaries on Samos and Rhodes were indeed manufactured in southeastern Cyprus and exported. Unexpectedly, the study also found that some Cypriot-style figurines from the Heraion on Samos were made from local Samian clay, proving that Cypriot styles were not just exported but also imitated abroad [1, p. 297; 13, p. 6]. This evidence reveals a complex interplay of direct export, cultural influence, and local adaptation. It is also notable that while Cypriot ceramic figurines traveled east, no ceramic figurines from Anatolia, the Levant, or Egypt from the Bronze Age have ever been found on Cyprus, suggesting a one-way flow for this class of object [18, p. 207].

Conclusion

The Cypriot terracotta horse and rider figurine was far more than a simple votive. Its production, which began in the Cypro-Geometric and expanded massively during the Cypro-Archaic period, reflects the major socio-political changes occurring on the island with the rise of the city-kingdoms. Predominantly handmade in terracotta, with distinct regional styles pointing to localized workshops, these objects were deeply ingrained in the ritual life of the Cypriots.

Their meaning was fluid, shifting with their context. Placed in a sanctuary, they were a fitting offering to a male god, an act of piety by the dedicator. Deposited in a tomb, they became a prestigious grave good, symbolizing the status of the deceased and perhaps serving as a companion for the journey to the underworld. In the wider social sphere, the horse and rider was an unambiguous symbol of the elite male. It signified wealth, military capability, and social authority in an aristocratic society. The more unusual acrobatic types suggest it also represented forms of public display and performance, linking horsemanship to festivals and ritualized competition.

Although a quintessential product of Iron Age Cyprus, the figurine did not exist in isolation. Its appearance coincides with similar traditions in the wider Mediterranean, and scientific analyses show that Cypriot styles were both exported and imitated. Many questions remain. The precise meaning of the more fantastical multi-headed horse figurines is still debated, and a fuller understanding of their role in funerary ritual awaits more complete publication of the island's necropoleis [4, p. 73; 13, p. 19]. Further scientific studies on a larger corpus of material could better define the production centers and complex distribution networks of these objects [1, p. 297; 29, p. 61]. What is clear, however, is that these small clay figures offer an exceptional view into the beliefs, social structures, and cultural identity of ancient Cyprus.