Plank Figures

Objects of Identity: The Plank Figures of Bronze Age Cyprus

During the Early and Middle Bronze Age of Cyprus, a remarkable and enigmatic form of human representation appeared. Known as plank figures, these objects are characterized by a striking two-dimensionality, a stark contrast to the more naturalistic art that would follow in later periods [1, p. 6]. First discovered in 1913, these flat, rectangular figures have been the subject of continuous scholarly debate for over a century [2, p. 197]. With their abstract forms and minimalist features, they present a challenge to interpretation. Were they deities, fertility charms, or simple grave goods? A comprehensive analysis of their form, context, and distribution suggests a more complex reality. Appearing at a time of significant social change on the island, plank figures were not static idols but dynamic objects with complex life histories, used in both domestic and funerary spheres [3, p. 15]. This article will explore the chronology, manufacture, and typologies of these figures, examining their find spots and use-wear to understand their function. Ultimately, it will argue that plank figures were potent material symbols used to construct and negotiate individual, kin, and group identities in a society experiencing increasing complexity and social stratification.

An Indigenous Cypriot Phenomenon: Chronology and Distribution

Plank imagery first appears in the archaeological record during the Early Cypriot IIIA period (EC IIIA), around 2000 BCE, and constitutes the most common form of figurative representation until Middle Cypriot II (MC II) [4, p. 146; 2, p. 199]. The tradition seems to have persisted for approximately 200 to 350 years [3, p. 44; 4, p. 152]. While scholars have occasionally proposed Anatolian origins for the form, these parallels are not convincing, as the Cypriot figures differ significantly in shape, material, and decoration from their supposed mainland counterparts [2, p. 197; 4, p. 147]. There are no clear predecessors in the preceding Middle Chalcolithic or the transitional Philia culture material [4, p. 147]. The evidence points instead to an indigenous development, a uniquely Cypriot iconographic phenomenon [4, p. 147].

The distribution of plank figures is geographically specific, concentrated in the northern and north-central parts of the island [2, p. 200; 4, p. 139]. The cemetery of Lapithos-Vrysi tou Barba, on the north coast, has yielded the largest number of these objects and the full range of types, suggesting it was a primary, if not the exclusive, production center [5, p. 58; 6, p. 6; 7, p. 253]. From this heartland, the figures appear to have been distributed to other sites with which Lapithos had close contact, such as Dhenia and Nicosia-Ayia Paraskevi, and to smaller villages located near copper sources, including Marki, Alambra, and Ambelikou [6, p. 6; 8, p. 239]. This pattern suggests a "down-the-line" movement of figures within Lapithos’s copper procurement network [6, p. 6]. The nearby cemetery of Vounous, a major center in the preceding period, has produced only four examples, consistent with its declining status at the time [6, p. 6; 7, p. 253].

While the ceramic tradition was centered on the north coast, a separate and less understood tradition of stone plank figures existed in the southwest of the island [4, p. 139]. The majority of known stone examples come from a looted EC III–MC I cemetery at Kidasi-Foutsi in the Paphos district, an area with a long history of stone figurine manufacture dating back to the Chalcolithic [4, p. 139; 1, p. 7]. However, the provenance of these looted objects is not entirely secure, and until recently, corroborating evidence for a plank figure tradition in the southwest was scarce [1, p. 7]. The excavation of a limestone plank figure at Politiko-Troullia provides the first fully documented example from a Bronze Age settlement context, confirming the use of stone for these objects beyond the north coast [1, p. 8].

Form, Fabric, and Manufacture: A Standardized Repertoire

Plank figures are defined by their distinctive flat, stylized depiction of the human form [1, p. 6; 9, p. 1]. The basic shape consists of a large, solid rectangular body surmounted by a smaller rectangular head and neck [4, p. 251]. They are almost exclusively handmade, solid objects [4, p. 251; 10, p. 26]. The vast majority are made of clay, typically the fine, highly burnished Red Polished Ware that dominates Early and Middle Cypriot ceramic assemblages [2, p. 199; 11, p. 10]. A smaller number are made in White Painted Ware, which appears to be a later variant from MC II onwards [4, p. 147; 4, p. 251]. Stone was also used, with identified materials including limestone, chalk, gypsum, and alabaster [4, p. 251; 1, p. 7]. There is a notable size difference between the materials: ceramic figures average 22.1 cm in height, while stone examples average 53 cm, with one exceptional limestone figure from Kidasi reaching 81 cm [4, p. 251; 1, p. 7; 8, p. 244]. The substantial size and often elaborate decoration suggest that producing a plank figure required a significant investment of time [2, p. 200].

Facial features are minimalist. Typically, a raised bump in the center of the head represents the nose, with two small depressions on either side for eyes [4, p. 251]. Despite this simplicity, the incised decoration is often intricate and was the primary medium for conveying detail [2, p. 199]. These geometric patterns, which closely parallel motifs found on contemporary pottery, were often filled with white chalk or a similar substance to accentuate the designs [3, p. 47; 2, p. 199]. The incisions depict anatomical features like hair, eyebrows, and ears, as well as extensive ornamentation, including headbands, multi-stranded necklaces, and clothing [2, p. 199; 1, p. 6]. The decoration is applied to the front, back, and narrow side edges, suggesting the figures were intended to be viewed from all angles [4, p. 149].

Despite their high degree of standardization, several typological variations exist. The most common is the single-headed figure [2, p. 199]. However, multi-headed examples, with two or even three necks, are found exclusively at Lapithos and Dhenia [4, p. 139; 2, p. 199]. Some figures are kourotrophic, depicted holding a small, cradled infant [4, p. 146; 2, p. 220]. Others are attached directly to ceramic vessels, such as jugs or pyxides [2, p. 9]. A distinct type, known as a cradleboard figure, features a human torso in bas-relief on a flat ceramic plank [1, p. 6]. Finally, stone figures are sometimes classified into "Shoulder" types, where the head sits on a broader body, and "Slab" types, which have arm stumps but no differentiation between the head, neck, and body width [1, p. 8]. This variety within a highly regulated formal structure points to a complex and well-defined symbolic system.

The Life History of an Object: From Settlement to Tomb

The archaeological contexts of plank figures reveal that these were not objects made solely for the grave but had active lives within settlements before their final deposition [3, p. 17]. Of the examples with known provenance, a significant number (41 out of 110) were found in settlements [4, p. 150]. Finds from Marki-Alonia, Alambra-Mouttes, Ambelikou-Aletri, and Politiko-Troullia confirm their presence in domestic spheres [1, p. 9; 2, p. 200].

Evidence from use-wear and repair indicates that these were valued possessions. Several examples from both settlements and tombs show mend holes, where the broken pieces of a figure were drilled and tied back together, a clear sign of an object worth preserving [4, p. 151; 2, p. 200]. This is further supported by wear patterns. The consistent absence of decoration on the bottom few centimeters of freestanding figures, combined with damage and erosion often concentrated at the base, suggests they were habitually stood upright by being pushed into soft ground [4, p. 150]. Their find spots within settlements are also informative. The limestone figure from Politiko-Troullia was found in a public courtyard, a space associated with communal activities like textile production [1, p. 1]. A complete ceramic figure from Ambelikou was found in the doorway of a pottery workshop [5, p. 58]. These contexts suggest a role in group activities rather than private, individual use.

Despite their life in the world of the living, the most detailed contextual information comes from their use in funerary rituals. Though found in less than 10% of all Bronze Age burials, their inclusion was clearly a deliberate and meaningful act [12, p. 443; 3, p. 52]. They are found in both wealthy and modest tombs but appear to be consistently associated with metal grave goods, such as daggers, knives, and pins, and sometimes precious items of gold, silver, and faience [2, p. 201; 5, p. 58]. This suggests a connection to social status [5, p. 58]. The placement of figures within tombs was careful and deliberate. In Tomb 306A at Lapithos, a skull was found resting directly on a plank figure, as if on a pillow, suggesting a close ideological association between the object and the deceased individual [4, p. 150]. Other examples were found alongside unusual or complex ritual vessels and faience necklaces [6, p. 6].

The treatment of the figures at the end of their use-life presents a stark contrast. In settlements, they are typically found in a highly fragmented state, discarded in refuse pits or building fill [4, p. 151]. In tombs, however, a different pattern emerges. At least 44% of plank figures exhibit a single, clean, slightly diagonal break across the lower torso [4, p. 201]. This type of fracture, across the widest and most solid part of the object, could only have been achieved by deliberate snapping [4, p. 154]. This act is interpreted as a form of ritual "killing," the purposeful destruction of an object of symbolic importance at the end of its life, likely as part of the funerary ceremony itself [4, p. 201; 13, p. 10]. Both halves of the broken figure were often placed together in the tomb, confirming the breakage occurred in situ [4, p. 154]. This practice underscores the ritual power attributed to these objects, which had to be formally deactivated before their final entombment.

The Problem of Meaning: Interpreting the Plank Figure

For decades, the interpretation of plank figures has been dominated by theories of fertility and religion. They have been cast as representations of a Mother Goddess, priestesses, or birthing charms meant to ensure fertility or successful childbirths [2, p. 201; 4, p. 32; 3, p. 17]. Many of these interpretations rest on the unquestioned assumption that the figures are female [4, p. 31]. However, the physical evidence provides little support for this. The figures are not depicted nude and show no naturalistic body curves [4, p. 31]. Genitalia are almost never shown, and breasts, the most cited female characteristic, are present on only 28% of the corpus [4, p. 201]. A significant majority (69%) have no explicit gender-specific features at all [4, p. 153]. In light of this, many scholars now argue that the sexual ambiguity of the figures was intentional and that attempting to assign a binary gender identity misses their true purpose [2, p. 199; 3, p. 53].

Another influential theory, proposed by Celia Bergoffen, suggests that plank figures are not representations of humans but of anthropomorphized cradleboards [4, p. 147; 14, p. 63]. This theory is compelling because it reframes the objects, viewing them not as "objectified humans" but as "humanised objects" [4, p. 148]. This fits within a broader Early-Middle Cypriot tradition of creating models of inanimate objects, like combs and furniture, and personifying functional items like jug handles by adding human features [4, p. 148]. However, the cradleboard theory itself is weakened by stylistic differences between the figures and actual cradleboards, most notably the absence of the essential cradle arch on the figurines [4, p. 147].

A more robust interpretation, and one gaining consensus, views the plank figures as symbols connected to social identity, kinship, and status [15, p. 120; 5, p. 58]. Their appearance on Cyprus coincides with a period of significant social change, particularly on the north coast. At sites like Lapithos, there is evidence for an increase in the size and complexity of tombs and a greater elaboration of metal goods, suggesting the rise of a new hierarchical order and emerging elites [8, p. 245; 6, p. 12]. In this context, funerary ceremonies likely shifted from communal expressions to more restricted, kin-based events emphasizing exclusive links to particular ancestors [6, p. 12]. Anthropomorphic images like plank figures would have been powerful tools in this new social landscape, linked to the emergence of more complex political identities and an increased emphasis on sub-group affiliation and inheritance [8, p. 245].

The figures themselves support this interpretation. The intense focus on decoration—elaborate incised patterns depicting clothing, jewelry, and headbands—points to the social presentation of the body rather than its biological form [16, p. 11]. The standardization of the figures is also key. Despite minor variations, the figures from different sites are remarkably uniform in their composition and style, expressing what has been called a "single concept" [1, p. 11]. This suggests they were used to materialize a widely understood set of ideas related to group identity [1, p. 14]. The correlation between plank figures and costly grave goods like metal weapons, tools, and faience jewelry further links them to the expression of status [2, p. 201; 5, p. 58]. They were likely not representations of specific living individuals—the total of around 209 known figures over a 350-year period is too small for them to have been personal emblems for everyone [4, p. 152; 1, p. 10]. Instead, they may have represented generic or specific ancestral figures, embodying the authority and legitimacy that new elites sought to claim [16, p. 13; 8, p. 245]. In this view, the deliberate ambiguity of the figures would have been a strength, allowing them to carry multiple meanings within ritual contexts and serve as multireferential symbols for a community navigating social change [2, p. 206].

Conclusion

The plank figures of Bronze Age Cyprus were far more than simple idols. They were deeply integrated into the fabric of society, functioning as valued objects in daily life before being repurposed for their final, critical role in funerary rituals. Their journey from communal settlement spaces to the carefully sealed environment of the tomb, often ending in a deliberate act of ritual breakage, reveals their symbolic potency.

The weight of the evidence moves interpretation away from a focus on fertility or specific deities and toward an understanding of the figures as powerful tools for social negotiation. Appearing at a time of increasing social complexity, wealth from copper production, and the emergence of elite groups, the plank figures provided a material means to express and legitimize new social realities [5, p. 58; 8, p. 245]. Their standardized yet varied forms, their association with status goods, and their role in what appear to be kin-based mortuary rites suggest they were central to the display of group identity and ancestral authority. From EC III onwards, the spread of plank imagery marks a period of increasing engagement between different regions of the island, with communities communicating and competing through a shared, if locally inflected, symbolic language [4, p. 211]. This tradition eventually gave way in the Late Bronze Age to more naturalistic, explicitly female figurines, marking another shift in the socio-cultural climate of the island [4, p. 202].

Many questions remain. The precise meaning of the different typologies—single-headed versus multi-headed, for example—is still unclear. The relationship between the ceramic tradition of the north and the stone tradition of the southwest requires further investigation, as does the specific nature of the rituals in which these figures were used. More extensive excavation of settlement sites is needed to balance the funerary bias in the archaeological record [6, p. 11]. Nevertheless, what is clear is that these enigmatic, flat-bodied figures offer a unique window into the social world of Bronze Age Cyprus. They stand not as silent gods, but as active participants in a society redefining itself, objects used to give tangible form to the abstract concepts of kinship, status, and collective identity.