Re-examining the Late Bronze Age Female Figurines of Cyprus
During the Late Cypriot period, roughly from 1650 to 1050 BCE, the island of Cyprus became a crucible of Mediterranean interaction, its ports bustling with traders from the Aegean, the Levant, and Egypt [1, p. 572; 2, p. 36]. Amidst the flow of copper ingots, fine pottery, and exotic goods, Cypriot artisans produced a remarkable and enduring class of objects: small, handmade terracotta figurines of nude women. Rendered in the distinctive, hard-fired ceramic known as Base Ring ware, these figures have been discovered in tombs and settlements across the island and at sites far beyond its shores [3, p. 135]. For over a century, they have been subjects of scholarly fascination and debate, frequently identified as representations of a fertility goddess, a local precursor to Astarte or Aphrodite [4, p. 63; 5, p. 1].
While this interpretation is compelling, it often simplifies a complex archaeological reality. These figurines were not a monolithic group, nor was their function necessarily singular or static. A closer examination of their typology, manufacture, distribution, and archaeological context reveals a more nuanced story. They were products of a sophisticated and highly specific ceramic technology, rooted in the island’s geology and craft traditions. Their presence in both domestic and funerary settings suggests a role integrated into the full cycle of life and death, perhaps more personal and varied than that of a formal cult idol [6, p. 240; 7, p. 2]. This article will move beyond the goddess paradigm to explore these figurines as material objects. By analysing their physical characteristics, the science of their creation, their island-wide and international distribution, and the controversies surrounding their meaning, we can situate them more precisely within the dynamic social and economic world of Late Bronze Age Cyprus.
Form and Typology: The Two Faces of the Cypriot Figurine
The Late Bronze Age female figurines, though exhibiting a high degree of standardisation, are broadly classified into two main contemporaneous types, primarily distinguished by the articulation of the head and face [8, p. 86; 9, p. 5]. These are commonly referred to as Type A and Type B, or, more descriptively, as ‘Earring’ and ‘Flathead’ figurines, respectively [10, p. 54; 11, p. 444]. Both types were produced from the Late Cypriot IIA period through to LC IIIA, a span of several centuries from roughly 1450 to 1125 BCE [12, p. 257].
Type A, the ‘Earring’ or ‘bird-faced’ figurine, is perhaps the more striking of the two [11, p. 444]. These figures possess a beak-shaped nose and applied clay pellets for eyes, giving the face an avian quality [13, p. 250]. Their most prominent feature, however, is a pair of large, semi-circular ears, each with multiple piercings from which clay earrings often hang [12, p. 257].
Type B, the ‘Flathead’ or ‘normal-faced’ figurine, presents a more understated visage [10, p. 54; 14, p. 253]. The head is typically flattened, and while the prominent nose is still present, the facial features are less exaggerated than those of Type A [14, p. 255]. Some examples have painted bands of matte red and black around the neck and dark paint over the pubic area [15, p. 6]. A small series of Base Ring ware bottles, shaped like these figurines with their hands pressing their breasts, demonstrates a clear iconographic link to the Type B form [16, p. 5].
Despite these differences, the two types share a common bodily form and posture. They are consistently depicted as nude, with cone-shaped breasts, arms bent to hold or support the breasts, and an incised pubic triangle [11, p. 444; 12, p. 176]. The navel is often indicated, and the torso is typically triangular, widening to broad hips before tapering to legs that are divided by a deep groove [11, p. 444; 13, p. 250]. Their feet are small and pointed, making it impossible for them to stand unsupported [12, p. 176]. Combined with undecorated backs, this suggests they were intended to be displayed lying down or held in the hand [12, p. 202; 12, p. 176].
Both types were produced in two distinct sizes: a larger, hollow version averaging 20 cm in length, and a smaller, solid version around 14 cm [12, p. 176]. The smaller, more durable solid form would have been easily portable and fits comfortably in the hand, perhaps suggesting it was designed for travel or more intimate handling [12, p. 176; 15, p. 7]. The existence of these two parallel forms is not a chronological development, as both appear throughout the LC IIA-IIIA periods, and their function remains unclear [12, p. 176]. What is clear is that, by the LC II period, Cypriot coroplastic art had coalesced around a manifestly female image; with very few exceptions, every ceramic anthropomorphic figurine from this era is female [12, p. 202]. This focus on the naked female body represents a significant departure from the more abstract and often unsexed ‘plank figurines’ of the earlier Bronze Age [7, p. 2; 12, p. 202].
Material and Manufacture: The Technology of Base Ring Ware
The figurines are inextricably linked to their material: Base Ring ware. This ceramic is one of the hallmarks of Late Bronze Age Cyprus, a high-quality, handmade tableware that was widely used on the island and extensively exported to the Levant and Egypt [15, p. 4; 17, p. 9]. It is characterised by its thin, hard-fired walls, achieved through firing at high temperatures, which gave the vessels a distinctive metallic resonance and texture [18, p. 122; 15, p. 4]. Despite the availability of the potter's wheel, Cypriot artisans chose to produce Base Ring ware by hand for some 500 years, a testament to the skill involved and the aesthetic and tactile appeal of the finished product [15, p. 4]. The fabric itself was derived from a very plastic clay that lacked the tensile strength for wheel-throwing but was ideal for hand-building complex forms [15, p. 4]. Some vessels show morphological details, such as imitation rivets, that consciously emulate metal prototypes, which rarely survive in the archaeological record [18, p. 122].
The production of the figurines themselves was a task for skilled artisans, most likely potters or those trained in ceramic traditions [12, p. 168]. The attachment of limbs often used the same techniques as the attachment of handles to pottery vessels, with arms and legs thrust through the body wall before being smoothed over [15, p. 6]. The use of a single-sided mould has been suggested for some faces, but the bodies are consistently handmade [19, p. 11; 20, p. 55]. In this, the Base Ring figurines stand in contrast to the mould-made ‘Astarte plaques’ common in the Levant, highlighting a distinctly Cypriot manufacturing tradition even when styles were shared [21, p. 333].
For decades, the precise origin of the clay used for Base Ring ware was a subject of debate. Early petrographic and elemental analyses suggested that the ware was made from a homogeneous, non-calcareous sedimentary clay, with potential sources located in the Kyrenia Range in the north or the Mamonia Terrane in the southwest of Cyprus [22, p. 280; 23, p. 518]. It was proposed that the clay was used with little processing, its inclusions being naturally present in the source material [23, p. 526].
More recent scientific analysis, particularly lead isotope analysis, has dramatically refined this picture. Studies comparing Base Ring sherds from multiple sites, including Hala Sultan Tekke, Enkomi, and Alassa, have shown a remarkably homogeneous isotopic composition [23, p. 526; 24, p. 18]. This signature does not match clay sources from the Troodos Ophiolite or the circum-Troodos sediments, nor does it match those from the Pakhna and Moni formations previously proposed as potential sources [24, p. 18; 23, p. 518]. Instead, the analysis points overwhelmingly to a single geological source: the Kathikas Formation, a local mélange formation developed only in the southwestern part of Cyprus, near the Mamonia Terrane [23, p. 527]. This finding suggests that, contrary to earlier theories of multiple production centers, the raw material for this highly successful and widely distributed ceramic ware was procured from a specific, geographically limited area [23, p. 527]. This implies a well-organised system of production and distribution, whether the raw clay was transported to various workshops or finished vessels were distributed from a centralized production zone in the southwest. The consistency in the chemical composition between terracotta figurines and pottery sherds further supports the idea that both followed similar patterns of production and distribution [25, p. 18].
Context and Distribution: A Figurine in Life and Death
The archaeological contexts in which Base Ring figurines are found are critical for understanding their use and social role. Significantly, they appear with almost equal frequency in funerary and settlement deposits [12, p. 176; 26, p. 167]. Their presence in tombs alongside the deceased is well-attested, but they are by no means a standard or required element of burial practice [3, p. 135]. At some cemeteries, they appear in nearly two-thirds of tombs, while at others they are found in less than a fifth [12, p. 183]. This variability suggests they were not a universal component of mortuary ritual but were perhaps included as valued personal possessions of specific individuals [6, p. 240; 3, p. 135]. The discovery of figurines with mending holes implies they were cherished objects, used for some time before being interred [12, p. 151].
Their presence in domestic contexts is equally important. They have been found in household spaces and areas associated with small-scale manufacturing, including metallurgical contexts [27, p. 150; 28, p. 18]. This dual domestic and funerary role is a long-standing tradition in Cypriot figurine use, stretching back to the Early Bronze Age [12, p. 202]. However, what is striking is their relative scarcity in formal, segregated ritual spaces or sanctuaries [9, p. 7; 14, p. 257]. Their low incidence in such assemblages indicates they were only occasionally used as votive offerings and were not a central feature of public cult, at least not until later periods [29, p. 25]. This pattern strongly suggests their primary function lay within the spheres of personal and household life rather than institutionalised religion.
The geographical distribution of the figurines provides further insight. During the Late Bronze Age, figurine types became more homogenised and evenly distributed across Cyprus, breaking down the strong regionalism of earlier periods [12, p. 113; 8, p. 86]. This points to an increasingly integrated island with shared symbolic and ritual systems [8, p. 86].
This network of connections was not limited to the island. A small but significant number of Cypriot figurines have been discovered abroad. A comprehensive study catalogued 86 examples from extra-island sites, comprising ten different types [12, p. 205; 3, p. 137]. The distribution is heavily skewed towards the Levantine coast, with major sites like Ugarit, Lachish, Alalakh, and Gezer yielding the most examples [12, p. 205]. A few have been found in Egypt, but they are almost entirely absent from the Aegean, with only a few Base Ring bull vessels found on Rhodes [12, p. 170; 12, p. 206].
This pattern does not suggest a large-scale, organised export trade in figurines. Unlike Base Ring juglets, which were widely imitated in the Levant, no local imitations of the female figurines are known [6, p. 240; 12, p. 205]. They are found scattered and in small quantities, often in contexts that contain numerous other Cypriot objects [12, p. 205; 12, p. 171]. This evidence has led many scholars to conclude that the figurines did not travel as commodities for foreign markets but as the personal belongings of Cypriots—merchants, migrants, or artisans—living and working abroad [6, p. 240; 12, p. 206]. These individuals seemingly retained objects from their homeland that held personal or cultural significance, using them in foreign contexts in ways that may have mirrored their use back on Cyprus [12, p. 206].
Interpretation: Goddess, Charm, or Valued Possession?
The central question surrounding the Base Ring figurines has always been one of meaning. For many years, the dominant interpretation has been that they represent a deity, often identified with the Syro-Palestinian goddess Astarte, a forerunner of the Cypriot Aphrodite [13, p. 250; 30, p. 19]. This argument is supported by clear stylistic influences from the Near East. The emphasis on nudity, the bird-like faces of Type A, and the gesture of holding the breasts are all features found on Syrian terracotta figurines and so-called "Astarte plaques" of the Late Bronze Age [21, p. 333; 31, p. 41; 32, p. 1]. The intensification of contact between Cyprus and the Levant at this time provided a clear channel for such iconographic transfer [21, p. 317].
However, a direct equation is problematic. While influenced by Levantine models, the Base Ring figurines were local Cypriot products, adapted and transformed within an indigenous artistic and cultural tradition [31, p. 41]. Several features are distinctly Cypriot. For instance, about half of the known Type A figurines are depicted holding an infant (kourotrophos), a theme with strong continuity from the Early and Middle Bronze Ages in Cyprus but absent from their supposed Near Eastern prototypes [13, p. 250]. This suggests that even if the image was inspired from abroad, its meaning was rooted in local concerns, perhaps related to motherhood and lineage. Many scholars now caution against the simple identification with Astarte, arguing the evidence points to an "Astarte-like" goddess or a local deity whose iconography absorbed foreign elements without losing its distinct character [29, p. 18; 33, p. 6].
Moving away from identifying a specific deity, other interpretations focus on the figurines' function. Their explicit female characteristics—breasts, navel, and pubic triangle—naturally suggest a connection with fertility and sexuality [14, p. 255; 34, p. 347]. They may have served as charms or talismans in household rituals related to childbirth, procreation, or the general well-being of the family [35, p. 10; 27, p. 150]. The wear patterns observed on some examples, particularly on the noses and side edges, indicate they were regularly touched or handled, supporting a more personal, tactile function [12, p. 151; 36, p. 23].
A more specific connection has been proposed for the Type B (Flathead) figurines. Their stylistic association with Egyptian Hathoric imagery, which was linked to mining and resources, and the discovery of bronze female statuettes standing on miniature copper ingots, has led to the suggestion that these figurines were ideologically connected to Cyprus’s most important industry: copper production [12, p. 202; 37, p. 210]. Their presence in small-scale manufacturing areas strengthens this hypothesis, pointing to a potential role in rituals intended to ensure success and protection in metallurgical activities [12, p. 202; 28, p. 18].
Ultimately, the figurines likely held multiple, overlapping meanings that could change depending on context and user [11, p. 448]. They were clearly "valued possessions," objects of personal significance carried through life and into the grave [6, p. 240]. Whether they were viewed as images of a great goddess, representations of revered ancestors, or tools for sympathetic magic, they were integral to the expression of social identity in an increasingly complex and interconnected Cypriot society [7, p. 2; 9, p. 5].
Conclusion
The Late Bronze Age Base Ring female figurines of Cyprus are more than simple icons of a fertility cult. When examined through the lens of their material composition, manufacture, and archaeological context, they emerge as deeply embedded in the social and technological fabric of their time. They were the products of a specialised craft, utilising clay from a specific region in southwestern Cyprus to create objects of a standardised yet distinctively local style.
Their distribution across the island speaks to a shared cultural and symbolic vocabulary, while their presence in the Levant reveals the personal dimension of expanding international networks, carried abroad not as trade goods but as pieces of home. Found in dwellings and tombs but largely absent from formal sanctuaries, their primary domain was the personal and the familial, intertwined with the cycles of life, death, and perhaps even the rhythms of craft production like metalworking.
While the precise beliefs they embodied remain elusive, their interpretation has moved beyond a monolithic "goddess" theory. They may have represented a deity, but they also functioned as valued personal possessions, ritual tools, and markers of identity. The debate over their meaning continues, but it is a debate enriched by a grounded, evidence-based approach. These small, silent figures of clay do not offer easy answers. Instead, they provide a window into the complex interplay of local tradition and foreign influence, of public symbolism and private practice, that characterised the vibrant world of Late Bronze Age Cyprus.
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