In the early 20th century, archaeologists working across the Eastern Mediterranean began to unearth a distinctive category of pottery. Characterised by its striking red and black painted decoration on a light-coloured surface, it appeared at sites in Cyprus, coastal Syria, and Palestine [1, p. 2]. Due to its prevalence at Levantine sites like Tell el-Ajjul and Megiddo, the ware was named "Palestinian" Bichrome Ware [2, p. 8; 3, p. 285]. For decades, scholars believed it was a mainland product, perhaps made by Levantine potters to satisfy Cypriot tastes, as many of its shapes and decorative motifs bore a strong resemblance to the island's own White Painted ceramic tradition [4, p. 9]. This explanation, however, always seemed incomplete. The stylistic heart of the ware felt Cypriot, yet its apparent place of manufacture did not.
The resolution to this problem came not from further stylistic comparison, but from the laboratory. In the 1970s, compositional analysis of the pottery's clay fabric provided definitive evidence that the vast majority of so-called "Palestinian" Bichrome was, in fact, made in eastern Cyprus [1, p. 2]. This finding overturned a long-held assumption and recast the ware as a key Cypriot export, a product of technological innovation, and an active participant in the complex exchange networks of the Late Bronze Age. This article examines Cypriot Bichrome Ware, tracing its story from the debate over its origins to its methods of production, its range of forms and decorative styles, its role in Mediterranean trade and cultural interaction, and its long continuation as a feature of the island's ceramic repertoire.
A Question of Origin: From Palestine to Cyprus
The initial attribution of Bichrome Ware to a Syro-Palestinian origin was based on two main arguments. First was its discovery in large numbers at mainland sites [5, p. 285]. Second, and more influential, was the fact that the ware was predominantly wheel-made [2, p. 8]. At the time, it was widely accepted that the potter's wheel was not introduced to Cyprus until after Bichrome Ware first appeared, making an island origin seem technologically improbable [3, p. 285]. Early studies by scholars such as W.A. Heurtley and Claire Epstein, while acknowledging the clear stylistic debt to Cypriot White Painted (WP) pottery, ultimately concluded that Levantine potters had adapted these Cypriot styles to produce the ware on the mainland [3, p. 285; 6, p. 141].
Despite this consensus, certain stylistic elements remained difficult to reconcile with a purely mainland origin. The tankard, a prominent shape in the Bichrome repertoire, was a distinctive form in the Cypriot WP sequence but was absent from the pottery of the late Middle Bronze Age Levant [7, p. 5]. Conversely, the krater, another common Bichrome form, was well-known in the Palestinian corpus but not in Cyprus [7, p. 5]. Furthermore, most of the geometric motifs and even the overall decorative syntax of Bichrome Ware had clear antecedents in the long tradition of Cypriot painted pottery, whereas decorated pottery was not a pervasive feature of the Middle Bronze Age Palestinian ceramic landscape [7, p. 6].
The definitive evidence came from Neutron Activation Analysis (NAA), a form of chemical analysis that provides a quantitative assessment of the elements present in a ceramic body [8, p. 189]. By comparing the "chemical fingerprint" of a pot with the composition of known clay sources or local pottery, it is possible to determine its origin [8, p. 189]. A series of NAA studies led by Michal Artzy, Isadore Perlman, and Frank Asaro in the 1970s demonstrated that the chemical composition of most Bichrome Ware samples from Palestinian sites, including the large assemblage from Tell el-Ajjul, did not match local Palestinian clays [1, p. 9]. Instead, they were a near-perfect match for pottery groups from the eastern plain of Cyprus, particularly from the site of Milea [1, p. 9; 5, p. 286].
These analytical results proved that the primary manufacturing centre for Bichrome Ware was eastern Cyprus [1, p. 2]. This discovery also challenged the assumption about the late arrival of the potter's wheel. Further analysis of other wheel-made wares from Cyprus, such as Plain White and Black Slip, confirmed that they too were made from eastern Cypriot clays, showing that wheel-made and handmade pottery traditions coexisted on the island during this period [9, p. Sec1; 10, p. 286]. While the debate was largely settled in favour of a Cypriot origin, the analyses also confirmed that some local production did occur at mainland sites like Megiddo and Tell el-Ajjul [2, p. 8; 1, p. 16]. These were not primary production centres, but workshops producing imitations of the popular Cypriot import.
The Potter's Craft: Manufacturing Bichrome Ware
The production of Bichrome Ware involved a combination of traditional Cypriot practices and technological innovations. Macroscopic study of the pottery reveals two broad fabric categories: a coarser fabric typically associated with large vessels like amphorae, and a finer fabric used for small and medium-sized open and closed shapes [11, p. 339]. Both fabrics are made from calcareous clays and share similarities with those used for contemporary White Painted wares, suggesting a shared technological background [9, p. Sec1; 12, p. 339]. In the coarser version, potters appear to have used a sand temper rich in quartz [11, p. 339].
The defining feature of the ware is its two-colour decoration. This effect was achieved through the use of two mineralogically different paints applied before firing [9, p. Sec1]. The dark colours, ranging from black to brown, were created using manganese-rich umbers, while the reds were produced with iron-rich ochres [9, p. Sec1; 13, p. 5]. While it is possible to create a bichrome effect using only iron-based pigments by carefully controlling the firing atmosphere and applying different thicknesses of paint, using two different minerals is a more reliable method [9, p. Sec1]. This manganese-black and iron-red technique appears to be an innovation of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprus; it is not recorded in the Middle Bronze Age [14, p. 15]. The selection of these pigments seems to have been a practical choice, as manganese ores and iron ochres are readily available on Cyprus and their natural colours are close to their post-firing appearance [13, p. 5].
Vessels were formed on the potter's wheel, a significant development in Cypriot ceramic technology that allowed for new shapes previously unattested in the Middle Cypriot handmade repertoire, such as those with carinated profiles and ring bases [9, p. Sec1; 15, p. 86]. The pots were then fired in a predominantly oxidising atmosphere [9, p. Sec1]. Firing temperatures were not uniform across production centres, with analyses estimating temperatures of 750–800 °C for sherds from Tersephanou-Arpera, 850–1000 °C for material from Kouklia, and over 1000 °C for vessels from Enkomi [9, p. Sec1].
Style and Form: A Cypriot Tradition with a New Palette
Bichrome Ware is best understood as a technological and stylistic evolution of the island's long-standing White Painted tradition. It appeared at the close of the Middle Cypriot period, contemporaneous with White Painted V, and represents a continuation of established decorative principles executed with a new technique [1, p. 5]. The forms found in the Bichrome repertoire appear in large numbers among White Painted vessels, and the array of geometric motifs is largely shared between the two wares [1, p. 2; 7, p. 6]. Artists continued to use patterns such as metopes, pendant and horizontal lines, crosses, cross-hatching, and checkerboard designs [7, p. 6].
The most prevalent shape, especially in Cypriot contexts like the tombs at Milia and Ayia Irini, is the jug or tankard, which typically has a globular body, a high cylindrical neck, an everted rim, a ring base, and a strap handle from rim to shoulder [16, p. 6; 4, p. 12]. Nearly-hemispherical bowls with a horizontal handle also have a long tradition in Cyprus, with ancestors in the White Painted sequence [7, p. 6]. Other common shapes include amphorae, jugs, and pilgrim flasks [17, p. 19; 15, p. 86].
While geometric patterns dominate, the most distinctive decorative elements are the figurative motifs. Designs featuring animals—particularly birds and bulls, and more rarely fish—appear almost exclusively on the Cypriot-made versions of the ware [9, p. Sec1; 5, p. 310]. Human representations are much less common but have been noted on some vessels found on Cyprus, such as a tankard from Dromolaxia depicting a warrior [16, p. 6; 18, p. 137]. This strong association of figurative painting with vessels of confirmed Cypriot origin further cements the ware's stylistic identity as an indigenous island development. The decoration was often placed on the upper part of the vessel, with vivid colours contrasting with the light-coloured, often smoothed or burnished, surface of the pot [2, p. 8; 12, p. 339].
Bichrome Beyond Cyprus: Trade, Imitation, and Cultural Exchange
Emerging at the transition from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1650/1600 BCE), Bichrome Ware was part of the intensification of Cyprus's involvement in Mediterranean maritime networks [1, p. 7; 19, p. 23]. While its export seems to have been less extensive both temporally and numerically than that of later wares like White Slip and Base Ring, Bichrome vessels have been identified at numerous sites across the Levant and in Egypt [4, p. 16; 11, p. 158]. On Cyprus, the ware is found primarily in the eastern part of the island, consistent with its production centres there, but handmade examples have been found at sites across the island, from Toumba tou Skourou in the northwest to Hala Sultan Tekke in the southeast [3, p. 285; 9, p. Sec1]. In the Levant, its distribution was mainly coastal and along key trade routes, with finds at major sites such as Ras Shamra (Ugarit), Sidon, Tell el-Ajjul, Megiddo, Lachish, and Tel Dan [20, p. 82; 21, p. 209].
The distribution of vessel forms suggests that Cypriot potters may have been producing specific shapes for different markets. While the tankard is the quintessential Bichrome form in Cypriot tomb groups, it is relatively rare in the Levant [4, p. 12]. In contrast, kraters and bowls are found in far greater numbers at Levantine sites than on Cyprus [4, p. 13]. At Tell el-Ajjul, for example, kraters and bowls make up a significant portion of the Bichrome assemblage, whereas they are scarce in the Milia cemetery [22, p. 7]. This pattern implies a targeted production strategy, where Cypriot workshops manufactured forms that would appeal to the tastes and functional needs of their mainland customers, particularly for practices such as feasting [4, p. 16; 11, p. 90].
The popularity of Cypriot Bichrome Ware spurred local responses from Levantine and Egyptian potters. Rather than being passive consumers, mainland workshops began to produce their own versions of the ware [2, p. 8]. These imitations can often be distinguished macroscopically from the Cypriot originals; they are typically made of a more porous and gritty fabric, the colours of the paint are more drab, and the decoration is sometimes located on the median part of the vessel rather than the upper part [10, p. 286; 2, p. 8]. Chemical analysis has confirmed local production at sites including Megiddo and Tell el-Ajjul [5, p. 310; 2, p. 8].
This interaction went beyond simple imitation. At Megiddo, locally made jugs appear to have served as substitutes for imported Cypriot tankards, and potters also created new hybrid forms, such as goblets decorated in the Bichrome technique—a shape not found in the Cypriot repertoire [11, p. 158]. This active adaptation and assimilation of Cypriot styles into local ceramic traditions shows a dynamic process of cultural exchange, where imported goods served as catalysts for local innovation [11, p. 158]. The export lifespan of Bichrome ware was ultimately shorter than that of wares like White Slip and Base Ring, perhaps because the clays and techniques could be more easily imitated abroad [11, p. 113].
The Later Life of Bichrome: An Enduring Cypriot Style
The use of a bichrome decorative technique did not end with the Late Bronze Age. It continued to be an important feature of Cypriot pottery through the Cypro-Geometric (ca. 1050–750 BCE) and Cypro-Archaic (ca. 750–475 BCE) periods [23, p. 49; 24, p. 88]. During the Iron Age, Bichrome Ware was produced alongside other major decorated wares like White Painted and Black-on-Red [25, p. 1]. The classification system developed by Einar Gjerstad divides these later wares into chronological types, from Bichrome I to Bichrome V, reflecting their stylistic evolution over centuries [26, p. 5; 27, p. 110].
In this later period, production became strongly regionalised. The workshops of Salamis, on the east coast, showed a clear preference for the Bichrome technique from the beginning of the Early Iron Age (11th century BCE) [11, p. 338]. The Salaminian style is distinct; unlike in other regions where red paint was often used sparingly as a supplement to the black, Salaminian potters used red extensively, not only to fill geometric and figurative designs but also to outline them [28, p. 338]. Production at Salamis peaked first in the Cypro-Geometric III period (ca. 9th century BCE) and again during the Cypro-Archaic period (7th–6th centuries BCE) with the development of the so-called "floral style" [11, p. 338]. This long-term production demonstrates that what began as a Late Bronze Age innovation became a deeply integrated and regionally expressive part of the Cypriot ceramic tradition.
Conclusion
The story of Cypriot Bichrome Ware is a compelling example of how archaeological interpretation evolves. What began as a straightforward case of a "Palestinian" ware with Cypriot influences was revealed, through scientific analysis, to be a quintessentially Cypriot product that was exported, imitated, and adapted across the Eastern Mediterranean. This reversal highlights the critical role of archaeometric techniques in resolving questions of provenance that stylistic analysis alone cannot answer.
More significantly, the history of Bichrome Ware provides a nuanced view of connectivity in the ancient world. It shows that international trade was not simply a matter of moving goods from one place to another. Cypriot potters responded to foreign markets by producing specific shapes for export, while Levantine craftsmen engaged with imported styles by creating their own local versions and hybrid forms. This dynamic interaction reveals a world where material culture was constantly being negotiated, adapted, and reinterpreted. While the sources do not offer a complete picture of the organisation of production or the full function of these vessels in every context [11, p. 338; 29, p. 35], the journey of Bichrome Ware from the workshops of eastern Cyprus to the tombs and settlements of the Levant offers a detailed account of technology, artistry, and exchange at a pivotal moment in the island's history.
References
- Artzy, M., Asaro, F., & Perlman, I. (1973). The origin of the 'Palestinian' Bichrome Ware. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 93(4), 446–461.
- Charaf, H. (2011). Cypriot imported pottery from the Middle Bronze Age in Lebanon. *Berytus, 53-54*, 148-.
- Jones, R. E. (1986). *Greek and Cypriot pottery: A review of scientific studies* (Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 1). The British School at Athens.
- Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., & McCarthy, A. (Eds.). (2013). *J.R.B. Stewart: An archaeological legacy*. Åströms förlag.
- Jones, R. E. (1986). A review of scientific studies: Greek and Cypriot pottery (Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper 1). The British School at Athens.
- Maguire, L. C. (1990). *The circulation of Cypriot pottery in the Middle Bronze Age* [Doctoral dissertation, University of Edinburgh].
- Artzy, M., Asaro, F., & Perlman, I. (1973). The Origin of the 'Palestinian' Bichrome Ware. Journal of the American Oriental Society, 93(4), 446–461. http://www.jstor.org/stable/600164
- Orton, C., & Hughes, M. (2013). *Pottery in archaeology* (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press.
- Crewe, L. (2007). *Early Enkomi: Regionalism, trade and society at the beginning of the Late Bronze Age on Cyprus*. BAR Publishing. https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407301501
- Jones, R. E. (1986). *Greek and Cypriot pottery: A review of scientific studies*. The British School at Athens.
- Bourogiannis, G. (Ed.). (2022). *Beyond Cyprus: Investigating Cypriot connectivity in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Classical Period* (AURA Supplement 9). Faculty of History and Archaeology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens.
- Bourogiannis, G. (Ed.). (2022). *Beyond Cyprus: Investigating Cypriot connectivity in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Classical Period* (AURA Supplement No. 9). National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of History and Archaeology.
- Aloupi, E. (2001). The nature of pigments on bichrome wheel-made ware. In P. Astrom (Ed.), *The chronology of base-ring ware and bichrome wheel-made ware* (pp. 215-219). Royal Academy of Letters.
- Bietak, M. (Ed.). (2001). *The synchronisation of civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Second Millennium B.C.* Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.
- Jeffra, C. D. (2011). *The archaeological study of innovation: An experimental approach to the pottery wheel in Bronze Age Crete and Cyprus* [Doctoral dissertation, University of Exeter].
- Artzy, M. (2019). Late Bronze Age I–II Cypriot Imports. In S. Gitin (Ed.), *Studies in Levantine Archaeology* (Vol. 3, pp. 339-380). Israel Exploration Society.
- Kaba, H. (2007). KNİDOS (KIBRIS/KARPAZ) NEKROPOL ALANI SERAMİK BULUNTULARI. *Anadolu / Anatolia*, *33*, 43-47.
- Keswani, P. (2005). *Mortuary ritual and society in Bronze Age Cyprus*. Equinox Publishing.
- Bourogiannis, G. (Ed.). (2022). *Beyond Cyprus: Investigating Cypriot connectivity in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Classical Period* (AURA Supplement 9). Athens University Review of Archaeology.
- Greener, A. (2015). *Late Bronze Age Imported Pottery in the Land of Israel: Between Economy, Society and Symbolism* [Ph.D. thesis, Bar-Ilan University].
- Austrian Academy of Sciences, & OREA. (2016). *10th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East: Abstract booklet*. Austrian Academy of Sciences, OREA.
- Knapp, A. B., Webb, J. M., & McCarthy, A. (Eds.). (2013). J.R.B. Stewart: An archaeological legacy. Åströms Förlag.
- Reeve, A. H. (2021). *Ancient Cyprus in Leeds: Objects, networks and museums from 1870 to 1947* [Doctoral dissertation, The University of Leeds].
- Caraher, W., Moore, R. S., & Pettegrew, D. K. (2014). Pyla-Koutsopetria I: Archaeological survey of an ancient coastal town (Archaeological Reports, Vol. 21). American Schools of Oriental Research.
- Berlin, A. (2017, May 26–27). *The Levantine Ceramics Project 2017 workshop 1: Pottery of Cyprus from the Archaic to the Byzantine eras*. Levantine Ceramics Project Workshop, Danish Institute of Archaeology, Athens.
- Gjerstad, E. (1948). *The Cypro-Geometric, Cypro-Archaic and Cypro-Classical Periods* (The Swedish Cyprus Expedition, Vol. IV, Part 2). The Swedish Cyprus Expedition.
- Dissinger, A. M. (2017). Cypro-Archaic bird iconography: Types, uses, and meanings (Doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia).
- Bourogiannis, G. (Ed.). (2022). *Beyond Cyprus: Investigating Cypriot connectivity in the Mediterranean from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the Classical Period*. Faculty of History and Archaeology, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens. https://doi.org/10.26247/aurasup.9
- Jasink, A. M., & Bombardieri, L. (Eds.). (2010). *Researches in Cypriote history and archaeology*. Firenze University Press.